Blog

  • Paramount’s David Ellison Meets With House Members On Federal Film Tax Incentive; Meeting Comes Hours After State AG Merger Challenge

    Paramount’s David Ellison Meets With House Members On Federal Film Tax Incentive; Meeting Comes Hours After State AG Merger Challenge

    Paramount CEO David Ellison was meeting on Monday with members of the House Ways & Means Committee to promote a federal film tax incentive, sources said.

    Ellison and Chief Legal Officer Makan Delrahim were among those meeting with the lawmakers. The idea of establishing a more robust federal incentive has drawn support from members on both sides of the aisle, amid concerns over the flight of productions overseas.

    The Ellison meeting is taking place on the same day that California’s attorney general, Rob Bonta, led 11 other states in suing to block Paramount’s proposed merger with Warner Bros. Discovery. Paramount has said that the combination actually would boost a needed rival to Netflix, but the lawsuit claims that it will give the company more market power to extract favorable terms from theatrical exhibitors and cable distributors.

    Sen. Adam Schiff (D-CA) has been working on legislation, but has not yet introduced a bill. He said in March that “state programs simply cannot substitute for the kind of globally competitive federal tax incentive that is needed to bring production back to American soil and stop its offshoring.”

    Representatives from guilds and unions also have been lobbying for a federal incentive, along with figures like Noah Wyle and producer Chris Fenton. Politico first reported on Ellison’s meeting.

    A challenge for any incentive bill would be the legislative calendar this year, as lawmakers have just a couple of weeks before summer recess, then return to face another end-of-fiscal year government funding deadline on Sept. 30. Congress is expected to be out of session in October for midterm campaigns.

    Lobbying for an incentive has picked up since President Donald Trump threatened to try to impose tariffs on film productions, although there is some question of whether he has the authority or means to do so. Industry groups have instead tried to direct the administration to the carrot rather than the stick, urging the president to consider an incentive instead.

    At the recent Mark Twain Prize at the Kennedy Center, Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick told Deadline that the administration is still studying the issue, while noting the bevy of state film incentives. For years, different states have been in a race to offer the more generous incentive packages, hoping to lure productions from California, but increasingly concerns have centered on jobs going to other countries.

    “The federal government is a national thing, and the states are particular, and you got to find the right balance,” Lutnick said. “We are a country with federal laws and state laws, and trying to find the right balance, that that’s what we’re studying.”

  • Amid a 12-State Backed Lawsuit, David Ellison Jets to D.C. to Fight for Hollywood Tax Credit

    Amid a 12-State Backed Lawsuit, David Ellison Jets to D.C. to Fight for Hollywood Tax Credit

    It’s been clear for months that David Ellison is a supporter of the idea of a federal film tax incentive, which has been gathering support in the legislature. Why wouldn’t he be? As the head of one studio and the aspiring leader of a combined Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery, his entertainment empire stands to benefit from the U.S. offering a stackable incentive on top of states’ individual tax credit programs.

    But on Monday, the same day that California attorney general Rob Bonta and 11 other state regulators filed suit to block the proposed $111 billion Paramount-Warner Bros. merger, new details of Ellison’s actions to support such a bill came to light beyond his former declaration of support.

    The Paramount Skydance CEO and his chief legal officer, Makan Delrahim, are meeting with Republican members of the House of Representatives’ Ways and Means Committee about a bipartisan bill on Monday night, The Hollywood Reporter has confirmed. (Politico’s Daniel Miller was the first to report on the trip.) The trip is one of several that Ellison has been making in support of the bill, a source in D.C. confirmed.

    Previously, Sen. Adam Schiff and Rep. Laura Friedman were gathering support for a federal tax incentive bill, though President Donald Trump’s enmity with Schiff was largely seen in the industry as a liability. While it was unclear on Monday night which legislators would be carrying the bill that Ellison is lobbying for, a separate source noted that Friedman and Schiff are still involved.

    While it’s not surprising that Ellison is backing the initiative, his involvement may be helpful in swaying Trump to consider the idea. Since proposing a “100 percent tariff” on movies made in other countries a couple of times in 2025, the president has been largely silent on the topic of domestic film and TV production. Still, he appears to remain interested in domestic entertainment production, in May meeting with one of his “special ambassadors” to Hollywood, actor Jon Voight and his team of Steven Paul and Scott Karol, about the federal film incentive idea.

    Trump remains friendly with David and his father, Larry Ellison, in June of 2025, calling David “great” and saying he would “do a great job” running a combined Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery. On June 12, the Department of Justice signed off on the proposed transaction, though the lawsuit filed Monday by 12 state attorneys general throws a wrench in Ellison’s plans.

  • Paramount CEO David Ellison Backing Bipartisan Federal Film Tax Incentive

    Paramount CEO David Ellison Backing Bipartisan Federal Film Tax Incentive

    Paramount Skydance CEO David Ellison has been quietly backing a bill to launch a federal film tax incentive, with lawmaker support on both sides of the aisle, multiple sources told Variety.

    Ellison has spent at least six months in exploratory meetings for the proposed legislation, two sources added, and on Monday evening was present in Washington, D.C. to break bread with top Republican leadership, where the matter will be discussed.

    Names of politicians from both parties involved in the bill were not immediately available. More than one source noted the irony of Ellison’s Monday night meeting occurring the same day that a group of state attorneys general filed suit to block the mogul’s acquisition of Warner Bros. (his general counsel, Makan Delrahim, is at his side in D.C.)

    A federal film tax incentive would provide significant financial relief to content producers fleeing the U.S. for rebates around the world. A federal program would also sweeten the deal in Hollywood’s home state of California, whose AG Rob Bonta is leading the charge on the searing antitrust lawsuit waged today against Ellison over Warner Bros.

    Hollywood’s labor unions — including the DGA, IATSE and SAG-AFTRA — have also taken up the mantle on a federal incentive. In its just-negotiated contract, the DGA stipulated that top studio execs must participate in lobbying for more favorable domestic filming incentives.

    California has a TV and film tax credit worth $750 million, but no such program exists on the national level.

    Bonta, along with a coalition of 12 other states, alleged in their antitrust suit that the $111 billion merger between the two legacy studios violates the Clayton Act by weakening competition in three markets: wide-release theatrical distribution, “top-grossing” theatrical distribution, and basic cable licensing. If Paramount and Warner Bros. merged, the suit argues, the combined company would control 27% of the wide-release theatrical distribution market, 30% of the submarket comprising “anticipated blockbuster films” and 27% of the basic cable bundle.

    “The unlawful merger of these two entertainment behemoths would lead to higher prices, lower quality, and less content for film and television, harming movie theaters, basic cable distributors, and ultimately, audiences on every sofa and movie theater seat in the U.S.,” Bonta said in a statement on Monday.

    Paramount, of course, fired back with a scathing statement after the suit was filed. The company said in the statement, “The lawsuit filed by the state attorneys general, in the most generous light, reflects a fundamentally flawed application of the antitrust laws and is wrong on both the facts and the law. Delaying this transaction will only harm entertainment workers who have already suffered over recent years as technology has disrupted their livelihood and cost California tens of thousands of entertainment jobs.”

    The Department of Justice already approved the deal in March, essentially clearing the way for Ellison to complete his plans for a combined Paramount-Warner Bros. Hollywood unions and stars have not been keen on the transaction, and fear an already struggling Hollywood could be further pushed underwater by a historically ineffective tactic of mega-merging two media behemoths.

    Politico’s Daniel Miller was the first to report Ellison’s interest in the federal film incentive.

  • Scammer Makes $135K After Hijacking SpaceX, Starlink Accounts to Shill Meme Coin

    Scammer Makes $135K After Hijacking SpaceX, Starlink Accounts to Shill Meme Coin

    A hacker made off with over $135,000 after hijacking the X accounts of SpaceX and Starlink to promote a meme coin.

    The profiles were used to shill a Robinhood-based token that briefly hit a $2 million market cap before crashing to almost zero.

    SpaceX and Starlink Fall Victim to Compromise

    Screenshots circulating on social media show both accounts reposting content from the token’s profile, with the posts featuring a Sam Altman (SCATMAN) meme coin and tags claiming they were associated with SpaceX.

    On-chain data shows the hacker created 10 trillion tokens and sold the entire stash, converting it into 59 Ether ($ETH) worth around $108,000 shortly after the posts went live.

    According to Lookonchain, a separate wallet linked to the attacker made another sale of 59.28 million SCATMAN tokens for 14.7 $ETH, valued at approximately $27,000, bringing the total profit to roughly $135,000. The on-chain analytics platform also identified the two addresses used by the hacker.

    Per GeckoTerminal data, SCATMAN’s market cap surged to over $2 million before being immediately rug-pulled. Meanwhile, both companies have since deleted the fake posts and regained control of their accounts.

    Rug Pulls Remain Common in Crypto Space

    Prominent social media account takeovers have become common in the crypto space, many of which have been used to pump and dump low-cap cryptocurrencies.

    You may also like:

    • Was It a Hack or Governance? BONK’s $21M Treasury Vote Divides Crypto
    • ZachXBT Turns Unwanted Meme Coin Donations Into $41K for Venezuela Relief
    • New Federal Data Reveals Donald Trump Holds $50 Million in Bitcoin in Cold Wallet

    For instance, Scroll co-founder Ye Chen’s X account was hijacked in January 2026, with attackers impersonating platform staff and sending phishing messages about copyright violations that tricked crypto leaders into clicking malicious links.

    A couple of months later, Pepe creator Matt Furie’s account was used to promote a scam token. Around the same time, WinRAR’s official account was also compromised to push a fake Solana meme coin to its followers.

    The most notable breach came in May when Keith Gill, popularly known as Roaring Kitty, had his dormant account breached. In this case, hackers launched Red Kitten Crew (RKC) on Solana and walked away with more than $600,000 in half an hour.

    Each case followed a pattern seen in crypto several times, where influencers create hype, developers cash out, and retail traders are left dealing with losses.

  • Jito proposes permanent JTO burns through sweeping revenue overhaul

    Jito proposes permanent JTO burns through sweeping revenue overhaul

    Jito has proposed a governance overhaul that would direct 100% of the DAO’s JTX revenue share toward open-market $JTO buybacks and permanent token burns through at least Q4 2027.

    According to a governance proposal published by Jito on July 13, the protocol has introduced JIP-38, which would formally classify Jito as a token-centric network where nearly all major network revenue flows to the decentralized autonomous organization and remains under the control of $JTO token holders.

    JIP-38 is now live.

    Value should live with the Network. This proposal formally establishes Jito as a token-centric network, committing 100% of the Jito DAO’s revenue share from @JTX_trade to programmatic buyback and burns of $JTO for at least 1 year from JTX launch.

    — Jito (@jito_sol) July 13, 2026

    The proposal triggered an immediate market reaction, with Jito ($JTO) climbing as much as 8% shortly after its release, according to data from crypto.news.

    Revenue would be redirected to $JTO holders

    Under JIP-38, Jito proposes using the DAO’s entire share of JTX revenue to buy $JTO tokens on the open market before permanently removing those tokens from circulation. According to the proposal, this arrangement would remain in place for at least one year, extending through the fourth quarter of 2027.

    One exception remains in the framework. The proposal states that 20% of JTX platform fees would continue to be reinvested into JTX development rather than being allocated to buybacks and burns. Jito said the remaining major revenue streams would continue flowing through the DAO under governance controlled by $JTO holders.

    To carry out the program, the proposal calls for buybacks to be executed automatically through a Rev Splitter mechanism overseen by the project’s Dev Council. Alongside the automation process, Jito plans to update its governance documentation so the protocol’s operating model formally recognizes the token-centric structure.

    According to JIP-38, existing revenue allocation commitments would be completed before a comprehensive review of protocol fee streams takes place in Q4 2027.

    During that review, governance participants would evaluate the performance of token buybacks, ecosystem incentives, and other capital allocation methods before $JTO holders vote on the network’s next long-term revenue framework.

    Governance changes extend beyond token burns

    Beyond the buyback program, JIP-38 outlines several operational changes intended to support the new revenue structure. According to the proposal, the Rev Splitter would become progressively more automated while governance records would be updated to match the revised economic model.

    Jito also stated in the proposal that the framework is designed so value generated across the network accrues to the $JTO token instead of external corporate entities. Any future changes to revenue allocation after Q4 2027 would require approval through governance voting by $JTO holders.

    The proposal arrives as Jito continues expanding its presence across the Solana ecosystem. Earlier this year, as previously reported by crypto.news, 21Shares launched the 21Shares Jito Staked SOL ETP (JSOL) on Euronext Amsterdam and Euronext Paris.

    The issuer said the product provides regulated exchange-traded exposure to Solana through JitoSOL while embedding staking rewards, allowing investors to access the asset through traditional brokers and banks without managing wallets or staking infrastructure.

    Institutional support for the protocol has also grown over the past year. As previously reported by crypto.news, Andreessen Horowitz’s (a16z) crypto division invested $50 million in Jito to help expand the Solana staking protocol’s ecosystem.

    The investment included an allocation of $JTO tokens to the venture firm, adding another high-profile backer as the protocol seeks approval for its latest governance proposal.

  • Oregon AG Drops Demand For Records & Motion To Delay Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery Merger

    Oregon AG Drops Demand For Records & Motion To Delay Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery Merger

    UPDATED, with comment from AG: Oregon‘s attorney general has dropped a civil investigative demand for Paramount to turn over records related to its efforts to secure federal approval for its merger with Warner Bros. Discovery.

    Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield also had asked a state circuit court judge to order Paramount to turn over the materials and to delay Paramount’s closing of its proposed acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery by 60 days so the documents could be reviewed. A hearing has been scheduled for Monday in Multnomah County Circuit Court.

    A Paramount spokesperson said, “We are pleased that the Oregon Attorney General has withdrawn its motion to delay this transaction. It was the right decision and avoids an unwarranted effort to delay a lawful, pro-competitive merger.

    “Antitrust authorities around the world have carefully reviewed this transaction, clearing it or concluding that it does not violate any competition laws. That regulatory record underscores what the facts, the law and the economics make clear: this transaction will create a stronger challenger to dominant global streaming and technology platforms, expand consumer choice, increase investment in premium content and theatrical distribution, and create more opportunities for creators and workers. We look forward to completing the transaction and delivering those benefits.”

    Jenny Hansson, communications director for Rayfield, said in a statement, “Paramount made it clear that they weren’t going to comply with the investigative demand, and that they think they’re above the law. We’re not going to let them waste Oregonians’ resources on these games. We’ve withdrawn the motion to consider our next steps.”

    California Attorney General Rob Bonta and other state attorneys general are said to be considering a legal challenge to the transaction.

    Rayfield sought Paramount records of lobbying of federal officials, as well as its role in a statement that the DOJ released in support of the transaction. The attorney general also sought documents “related to the formulation and execution of lobbying strategies aimed at obtaining regulatory approval of the proposed merger, which Respond as internally named ‘Project Warrior.’”

    In a court filing, Paramount has objected to the document requests, arguing, among other things, that they impose “burdens and demands which are disproportionate” to the Oregon investigation and are “of such marginal relevance that the value of any materials sought is outweighed by the burden imposed on Paramount in having to provide such information.”

    “Lobbying activities and related communications are wholly irrelevant to whether the proposed acquisition ‘violates Oregon’s antitrust laws,’” the company’s legal team wrote.

  • Bolivia Weighs Adding Tether’s USDT to National Payments After Lifting Crypto Ban

    Bolivia Weighs Adding Tether’s USDT to National Payments After Lifting Crypto Ban

    Bolivia’s government has begun exploring the possibility of integrating Tether’s $USDT stablecoin into the national payments system, a move that would have been unimaginable just two years ago when the country maintained one of the strictest total bans on cryptocurrency activity in the hemisphere. According to the original report, this policy shift comes after crypto transaction volumes jumped to $430 million in the year following the central bank’s decision to remove restrictions in mid-2024. The figure signals a rapid reorientation of everyday financial behavior in a country where traditional banking access remains uneven and confidence in local monetary instruments is fragile.

    The number isn’t just a headline—it reflects actual settlement flows in a dollarized informal economy that has long relied on physical cash and unregulated exchange houses. Stablecoins like $USDT already function as de facto digital dollars across many emerging markets, but Bolivia’s consideration of a formal government-endorsed integration would be a first. It would place a sovereign payments apparatus squarely on top of a privately issued stablecoin, a concept that blurs the line between state-sanctioned rails and permissionless digital currency protocols.

    The Road from Ban to Boom

    Bolivia’s relationship with crypto was aggressively hostile for nearly a decade. In 2014, the financial regulator issued a blanket prohibition on any cryptocurrency use, citing risks to monetary sovereignty and consumer protection. Banks were forbidden from facilitating crypto transactions, and even private peer-to-peer trading operated in a legal gray zone that exposed users to enforcement risk. That stance held firm even as neighbors like Argentina and Brazil saw explosive stablecoin adoption.

    Then, in mid-2024, the central bank abruptly lifted the restrictions. The reversal wasn’t accompanied by a lengthy public debate or a major legislative overhaul—it was an administrative policy update. But the effects were immediate. Within twelve months, $430 million in crypto volumes moved through the economy, much of it channeled through $USDT on low-cost layer-1 networks. The demand wasn’t speculative. It was transactional. People were paying for services, settling invoices, and moving remittance money across borders without using the conventional banking corridor.

    The government’s current exploration of $USDT integration is being treated as a natural next step. It mirrors other recent crypto payment integrations in emerging markets, such as Sui’s partnership with Nigerian fintech Paga, which aims to bring digital assets into everyday transactions for a population familiar with mobile money but excluded from dollar-denominated banking. Bolivia’s path is less about technology hype and more about practical necessity: the boliviano’s long-term depreciation has made foreign currency a household survival tool, and $USDT offers a digital bypass.

    Why Tether’s $USDT Specifically?

    Tether dominates the stablecoin market in Latin America not because of marketing campaigns but because it’s already the preferred dollar substitute in informal economies. In Bolivia, users aren’t trading exotic derivative products; they’re using $USDT on mobile wallets and peer-to-peer platforms to store value and move money. The coin’s liquidity depth and wide exchange support mean a street-level vendor in La Paz can accept a $USDT payment and convert it locally with minimal friction. No central bank digital currency prototype has achieved that kind of organic penetration in the region.

    The proposal being studied would elevate $USDT from a parallel tool to a recognized component of the national payments system. That would mean payment processors, utility companies, and possibly tax collection systems could be wired to accept or settle in $USDT. For a government that still struggles to maintain a unified exchange rate and grapples with dollar scarcity, this could stabilize daily commerce. But the legal architecture is untested. Tether is a private issuer domiciled outside Bolivia, and its reserves—while transparent—are not subject to local monetary authority oversight.

    While Bolivia’s pivot toward stablecoins remains a domestic experiment, it contrasts sharply with the ongoing regulatory battles in the United States, where banks are fighting to kill a landmark crypto bill just days before a Senate vote. The difference in approaches reveals how advanced economies and developing nations are moving in opposite directions on stablecoin regulation. In Washington, the focus is on containing perceived systemic risk. In La Paz, the calculus is simpler: millions of people are already using $USDT, and the state can either ignore it or build a bridge.

    What This Signals for Stablecoin Adoption

    The real significance of Bolivia’s $USDT exploration isn’t the $430 million figure—it’s the precedent of a government actively building infrastructure around a private stablecoin instead of fighting it. This hasn’t happened even in El Salvador, where Bitcoin is legal tender but not widely used for daily payments. If Bolivia moves forward, it would create a template for other dollarized economies: integrate what citizens already trust, and accept the trade-offs.

    The broader tokenization of real-world assets, now exceeding $20 billion on-chain, has shown that stablecoins like $USDT are foundational to the digital dollar ecosystem. But a national payments integration would move the asset class from a trading settlement layer into the real economy at scale. That brings new questions: what happens during a network congestion event? Who handles dispute resolution? And how does the government enforce anti-money laundering rules when value moves on public blockchains?

    These are not insurmountable problems, but they require a regulatory posture that Bolivia hasn’t built yet. The central bank’s initial ban was a blunt instrument; the post-2024 openness has been driven largely by market reality. Now the hard institutional work begins. Treasury officials will need to decide whether $USDT is treated like foreign currency, a payment instrument, or something entirely new. The answer will shape tax treatment, reporting requirements, and consumer protection frameworks—and it could influence how other Latin American regulators approach stablecoin policy in the next cycle.

    What remains uncertain is whether Tether itself will need to register locally or provide real-time reserve attestation specific to Bolivia’s requirements. The company has navigated similar demands in other jurisdictions, but a national payments role would expose $USDT’s operational infrastructure to direct government scrutiny in a way that peer-to-peer trading never did. How that negotiation unfolds will tell market participants whether Bolivia’s experiment becomes a model or a cautionary tale.

  • Nansun Shi, ‘Infernal Affairs’ Producer and Pioneer of Hong Kong Cinema’s Golden Age, Dies at 75

    Nansun Shi, ‘Infernal Affairs’ Producer and Pioneer of Hong Kong Cinema’s Golden Age, Dies at 75

    Nansun Shi, the pioneering Hong Kong producer and executive who helped shape the territory’s cinematic golden age as the co-founder of Film Workshop and who later produced Infernal Affairs — the cult crime thriller Martin Scorsese would remake as the Oscar-winning The Departed — died Monday at Hong Kong Sanatorium & Hospital. She was 75.

    Film Workshop, the production house Shi launched with director Tsui Hark in 1984, said that she had been in declining health since 2022 due to complications affecting her immune system and that recurrent infections in recent months had resulted in “multiple organ dysfunction.” Shi died peacefully at 8:51 p.m. local time with family and loved ones at her side, the company said, adding that memorial and funeral arrangements would be announced.

    Across a career spanning more than four decades, Shi ranked among the most influential figures in Hong Kong film — a key contributor to its glorious 1980s heyday, an architect of its early-2000s revival and one of the first local producers to construct genuine international distribution pipelines for Chinese-language cinema, at a time when few of her peers looked beyond the region. She was also among the earliest Hong Kong producers to shoot in mainland China, in an era when the two industries barely collaborated.

    Born and educated in Hong Kong, Shi studied statistics and computing at the Polytechnic of North London before returning home to begin her career in television, working for broadcasters including TVB and Rediffusion in the mid-1970s.

    Her movie career began in 1981, when she joined the upstart commercial comedy banner Cinema City as executive director, overseeing administration, financing and — crucially — overseas sales and festival strategy while Shaw Brothers and Golden Harvest still ruled the local business. Colleagues affectionately nicknamed her “Housekeeper” for the way she kept the young company’s sprawling operations in efficient order. Her credits from the period include the hit comedies Aces Go Places II and Till Death Do We Scare.

    In 1984, she departed alongside Cinema City’s most ambitious young talent, Tsui Hark, to establish Film Workshop — a home for projects too idiosyncratic for their former employer’s commercial pipeline, and, in time, one of the most storied banners in Hong Kong film history. Beginning with Tsui’s Shanghai Blues (1984), its output grew to include Peking Opera Blues, A Chinese Ghost Story, the Once Upon a Time in China series and John Woo’s A Better Tomorrow (1986) and The Killer — key titles in the action canon that powered Hong Kong cinema across the globe. Shi married Tsui in 1996 and the couple divorced in 2014, but never stopped making films together.

    In 2002, Media Asia chairman Peter Lam recruited Shi as vice president, and alongside Andrew Lau and John Chong, she produced Infernal Affairs, the rigorously inventive undercover-cop thriller directed by Lau and Alan Mak and starring Andy Lau and Tony Leung Chiu-wai. The film helped revitalize a then-flagging Hong Kong industry, spawned two sequels and was remade by Scorsese in 2006 as The Departed, which went on to win the best picture Oscar.

    Shi’s later producing work with Beijing-based Bona Film Group included the Overheard thrillers, Derek Yee’s The Great Magician and Ann Hui’s A Simple Life, which won Venice’s 2011 best actress prize for star Deanie Ip. In 2007, she co-founded the international sales agency Distribution Workshop with Jeffrey Chan, which she ran until her death. Her later festival contenders included Flora Lau’s Bends, which bowed in Cannes’ Un Certain Regard in 2013.

    Through it all, Shi kept Film Workshop running as an independent banner, producing Tsui titles including the Detective Dee films, Flying Swords of Dragon Gate and The Taking of Tiger Mountain. Her final credit came on Tsui’s Legends of the Condor Heroes: The Gallants, the Lunar New Year box office hit from 2025.

    Shi served on the main competition juries of both Cannes and Berlin, and she received regular recognition from across the international film world. France named her an Officier de l’Ordre des Arts et des Lettres in 2013; Locarno presented her its Premio Raimondo Rezzonico for best independent producer in 2014; Italy’s Far East Film Festival in Udine gave her its lifetime achievement honor in 2015; the Berlinale bestowed its Berlinale Camera in 2017; and China’s Pingyao festival honored her contribution to Chinese cinema in 2019. She was also a perennial presence on The Hollywood Reporter‘s annual Most Influential Women in Global Film list.

    In 2025, the Hong Kong Film Awards presented Shi and Tsui with a joint lifetime achievement award — a final shared bow for a partnership that helped define the city’s cinema across more than 40 years.

  • New Details of David Ellison’s Support for Bipartisan Federal Film Tax Incentive Emerge

    New Details of David Ellison’s Support for Bipartisan Federal Film Tax Incentive Emerge

    It’s been clear for months that David Ellison is a supporter of the idea of a federal film tax incentive, which has been gathering support in the legislature. Why wouldn’t he be? As the head of one studio and the aspiring leader of a combined Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery, his entertainment empire stands to benefit from the U.S. offering a stackable incentive on top of states’ individual tax credit programs.

    But on Monday, the same day that California attorney general Rob Bonta and 11 other state regulators filed suit to block the proposed $111 billion Paramount-Warner Bros. merger, new details of Ellison’s actions to support such a bill came to light beyond his former declaration of support.

    The Paramount Skydance CEO and his chief legal officer, Makan Delrahim, are meeting with Republican members of the House of Representatives’ Ways and Means Committee about a bipartisan bill on Monday night, The Hollywood Reporter has confirmed. (Politico’s Daniel Miller was the first to report on the trip.) The trip is one of several that Ellison has been making in support of the bill, a source in D.C. confirmed.

    Previously, Sen. Adam Schiff and Rep. Laura Friedman were gathering support for a federal tax incentive bill, though President Donald Trump’s enmity with Schiff was largely seen in the industry as a liability. While it was unclear on Monday night which legislators would be carrying the bill that Ellison is lobbying for, a separate source noted that Friedman and Schiff are still involved.

    While it’s not surprising that Ellison is backing the initiative, his involvement may be helpful in swaying Trump to consider the idea. Since proposing a “100 percent tariff” on movies made in other countries a couple of times in 2025, the president has been largely silent on the topic of domestic film and TV production. Still, he appears to remain interested in domestic entertainment production, in May meeting with one of his “special ambassadors” to Hollywood, actor Jon Voight and his team of Steven Paul and Scott Karol, about the federal film incentive idea.

    Trump remains friendly with David and his father, Larry Ellison, in June of 2025, calling David “great” and saying he would “do a great job” running a combined Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery. On June 12, the Department of Justice signed off on the proposed transaction, though the lawsuit filed Monday by 12 state attorneys general throws a wrench in Ellison’s plans.

  • ‘Beast in Me’ Music Emmy Nom Questioned, But TV Academy Backs It

    ‘Beast in Me’ Music Emmy Nom Questioned, But TV Academy Backs It

    The acclaimed Netflix limited series The Beast in Me received nominations for nine Primetime Emmys on July 8, including best limited or anthology series, as well as best actress (Claire Danes) and actor (Matthew Rhys) in a limited or anthology series or movie. Another of its noms came in the category of best original main title theme music, recognizing Sean Callery, a distinguished four-time Emmy-winning composer and one of the two representatives of the music peer group on the TV Academy’s board of governors — and that one has raised some questions.

    Indeed, it was brought to the attention of The Hollywood Reporter that although Emmys rules state that main title theme music must be “at least 15 seconds in length” to be eligible for an Emmy, the longest the theme music is heard in any episode of The Beast in Me — namely, episode four — is 13 seconds.

    The rules also state: “A Main Title Theme must appear in 50 percent or more of eligible episodes. The Main Title Theme has been further defined as a musical fingerprint and calling card that is identifiable and unique to a show, thereby drawing an audience in by setting the show’s tone and what is to come.” While main title theme music does appear in a majority of the eligible episodes of The Beast in Me — five of eight — each of those five episodes features different theme music.

    (Click here to view a video comprising the theme music at the start of every episode of The Beast in Me.)

    Asked to respond to these assertions, a spokesperson for the TV Academy insisted: “The theme song does appear in 5 of 8 episodes, so it meets the 50 percent rule, and in 3 of those 5 episodes the theme song does meet the 15 second rule. In discussions with the peer group, the decision was made to accept the submission because there is no language stating which rule takes precedence when the two conflict. We do state that the submission needs to be a minimum of 15 seconds and the episode that was submitted does that, but we don’t state that the theme needs to be a minimum of 15 seconds in each episode it appears in. The Peer Group Executive Committee realizes that they need to tighten up the language before next year’s competition and they will do that in October.”

    The disputant says the TV Academy needs to check its math, emphasizing that the theme music is not heard for 15 seconds in any episode, let alone in three of them, and presenting the following specific counts:
    Episode 1 — titles start at 1:26, theme music heard for 11 seconds
    Episode 2 — no theme music; instead, “Wave of Mutilation” by Pixies
    Episode 3 — titles start at 5:12, theme music heard for 8 seconds
    Episode 4 — titles start at 2:54, theme music heard for 13 seconds
    Episode 5 — no theme music; instead, “Psycho Killer” by Talking Heads
    Episode 6 — titles start at 1:29, theme music heard for 11 seconds
    Episode 7 — no theme music; instead, “The Little Drummer Boy” by Sharon Jones & the Dap-Kings
    Episode 8 — titles start at 5:22, theme music heard for 11 seconds

    The TV Academy spokesperson countered, “Emmy eligibility is solely based on the cue sheets submitted that have been documented for each production after the episodes are completed. Based on the cue sheets, the main title theme for The Beast in Me is eligible in the category, as we originally stated. Note, the perceived timing of a viewer of the episode will not always correspond with that of the confirmed cue sheets, where sound beds and accompanying music are included if surrounding the main title. As stated, eligibility is solely based on the cue sheets.”

    But the disputant says the TV Academy is contradicting its own rules by asserting “sound beds and accompanying music are included if surrounding the main title,” given that the rules state “score bookending the title sequence are not eligible.”

    Regardless of which side of this argument one falls on, nobody is suggesting any impropriety on the part of Callery, a highly respected composer who is also Emmy-nominated this year on behalf of The Beast in Me in the category of best music composition for a limited or anthology series, movie or special (original dramatic score). Underscores the TV Academy spokesperson, “In no way, shape or form was Sean part of the submission process or the judging process.”