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  • Djibouti elections: Who’s running against Guelleh and what’s at stake?

    Djibouti elections: Who’s running against Guelleh and what’s at stake?

    As the small East African coastal nation of Djibouti prepares for presidential elections on Friday, longtime leader President Ismail Omar Guelleh is expected to win the polls with little to no challenge.

    Djibouti, a country of just about one million people that neighbours Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, is politically relevant in the Horn of Africa region. It is also internationally important due to its strategic location right at the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, which provides access to the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden and through which a large portion of global trade between Asia and the West passes.

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    Djibouti hosts important military bases for the United States, France, China and other powers, earning it the tag of the country with the most foreign military bases. It is also an important port hub for bigger inland landlocked countries like Ethiopia.

    Incumbent candidate Guelleh is running for his sixth term as president. Though originally ineligible due to term limits and age, lawmakers removed age limits last year, paving the way for another term in office.

    Formerly named French Somaliland under colonialism, the country continued to maintain large numbers of French troops following independence in 1977, but it was the September 11, 2001, attacks in the US that saw it garner new attention as Washington sought proximity to armed groups in Somalia and Yemen.

    Djibouti was also a strategic military launchpad for naval units during the anti-piracy fights of the mid-2000s when the US, European Union, and other allies sought to battle pirates off the coast of Somalia.

    Both French and Arabic are official languages in Djibouti. Somali and Afar are also widely spoken by Somalis, who make up about 60 percent of the population, and people from the Afar group, who comprise about 35 percent.

    About 94 percent of people in Djibouti practise Islam. The local currency is the Djiboutian franc.

    Here’s what to know about Friday’s election:

    Who is eligible to vote?

    About a quarter of the population, or 243,471 people, are registered to vote in the polls, according to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems. That’s up from the last presidential election in 2021, when about 215,000 were registered.

    Voter turnout on average is about 67 percent.

    Polls are expected to open early on April 10 and close in the evening.

    Although Djibouti is described by monitors as an “electoral autocracy”, election observers from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an eight-country regional bloc, arrived there on Tuesday.

    IGAD said 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda will be deployed across all regions, and will release a statement after the vote on April 12.

    Djibouti
    Djibouti’s President Ismail Omar Guelleh casts his ballot during the presidential elections at the Ras-Dika district polling centre in Djibouti, on April 9, 2021 [File: Abdourahim Arteh/Reuters]

    Who is running?

    Ismail Omar Guelleh: The 78-year-old incumbent, known as “IOG”, is running for his sixth term as president. He was first voted into power in 1999. His party is the ruling People’s Rally for Progress.

    Guelleh’s latest bid came after lawmakers in November unanimously amended the constitution to remove a 75-year-old age limit. Back in 2010, parliament had scrapped term limits in a constitutional reform.

    Guelleh has been criticised for ruling with an iron fist and holding on to power unconstitutionally. However, he is also credited with maintaining a relatively stable hold in a region that’s usually rife with instability.

    Under his rule, Djibouti, which has no natural resources, has signed infrastructure deals with China and lucrative military hosting pacts with Western powers by leveraging its location.

    Djibouti Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh in 2017 said the country makes $125m a year from hosting US, French, Chinese, Italian and Japanese military bases, with Washington paying almost half of that.

    The US base, Camp Lemonnier, is the only permanent US military base in Africa.

    Guelleh, donning his party’s leaf-green colours, spoke to hundreds of his supporters during campaign rallies that were held in the capital this month.

    In one campaign, he said the elections and the choices available to voters “are consistent with democracy” in the country and promised more “significant success” if elected. His supporters held up banners that read “national unity and social cohesion”.

    Mohamed Farah Samatar: Guelleh’s only rival is a former member of the ruling party. He is running under the Unified Democratic Centre party.

    Samatar rallied in Tadjourah and Obock regions with his supporters, claiming that “another Djibouti is possible”.

    Sonia le Gouriellec, a Horn of Africa expert at Lille Catholic University, told the AFP news agency: “There’s not much at stake [in the election]. It’s just a token competition.”

    Omar Ali Ewado, head of the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), called the vote a “masquerade” and said it is a “foregone conclusion”.

    “The person who will challenge President Guelleh is a member of a small party subservient to those in power,” he told AFP.

    Map of Djibouti.

    What are the key issues?

    Shrinking democratic freedoms

    Guelleh’s critics are increasingly sounding the alarm about the shrinking of civic space in the country.

    Elections have been described as merely ritualistic, with Guelleh winning more than 90 percent of votes in the 2021 polls. Since 2016, opposition parties have boycotted elections.

    Guelleh’s government is also accused of high levels of corruption and nepotism, with some speculating that his stepson and the secretary-general of the prime minister’s office, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being prepared for the top job.

    The country is regularly singled out by human rights organisations for its repression of dissenting voices. It is currently ranked 168th out of 180 in the 2025 press freedom index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

    One aspiring presidential candidate, Alexis Mohamed, who formerly served as presidential adviser until he resigned in September, told reporters he was “unable” to pursue his candidacy because he had no “security guarantees” if he were to return to the country from his current location abroad.

    Mohamed, who served in an official capacity for 10 years, accused Guelleh of “patronage-based management of the state”.

    According to the International Federation for Human Rights, elections in Djibouti are “not free”.

    Rising debt

    Many accuse Guelleh of brandishing shiny infrastructure projects built by China, such as a railway to Ethiopia, but point to the country’s stagnating economy and rising debts to Beijing.

    By 2026, the country owed China $1.2bn from loans, as well as several others. The International Monetary Fund said in a report in 2025 that Djibouti’s debt profile is “in distress and unsustainable”.

    Some of these costly infrastructure projects have not had an impact on lowering poverty rates. About 73 percent of the country’s young population is unemployed due to a dearth of jobs, for one example.

    Meanwhile, a major source of the country’s revenue is under threat: Djibouti’s ports almost entirely handle Addis Ababa’s maritime imports and exports for about $2bn annually.

    However, in 2024,  Ethiopia is seeking to reduce that independence. The country signed a port deal with autonomous Somaliland, a case that has caused tensions with Djibouti as well as Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its own territory.

    Following Turkiye-led mediation, Ethiopia and Somalia reached a preliminary understanding in late 2024 to resolve their dispute. Ethiopia has agreed to pivot to “reliable and sustainable” sea access with Somalia rather than with Somaliland.

  • ‘Wednesday’ Season 3 Casts Lena Headey, Andrew McCarthy, James Lance

    ‘Wednesday’ Season 3 Casts Lena Headey, Andrew McCarthy, James Lance

    Wednesday” Season 3 has added three to its cast in guest star roles.

    Lena Headey (“Game of Thrones,” “The Abandons”), Andrew McCarthy (“St. Elmo’s Fire,” “Brats”), and James Lance (“Ted Lasso”) will all appear in the third season of the hit Netflix series, which is currently in production.

    The trio join previously announced new cast members Eva Green, who will play Morticia’s sister, Winona Ryder in an undisclosed role, and Chris Sarandon, Noah Taylor, Oscar Morgan, and Kennedy Moyer.

    As with past seasons, the third is being shot in Dublin, Ireland. Jenna Ortega will return in the role of Wednesday Addams, who viewers last saw riding off with her Uncle Fester (Fred Armisen) to attempt to rescue her friend and roommate Enid (Emma Myers) from being trapped as an alpha werewolf.

    Aside from Ortega, Myers, and Armisen, the cast of “Wednesday” includes: Hunter Doohan, Joy Sunday, Moosa Mostafa, Georgie Farmer, Isaac Ordonez, Billie Piper, Luyanda Unati Lewis-Nyawo, Victor Dorobantu, Evie Templeton, with Luis Guzmán, Catherine Zeta-Jones, and Joanna Lumley.

    The show is based on characters created by Charles Addams. Alfred Gough and Miles Millar developed the show and serve as executive producers and showrunners. Tim Burton serves as director and executive producer. MGM Television is the studio.

    Headey is repped by TMT Entertainment, CAA, and Kraditor & Haber. McCarthy is repped by CAA, Liebman Entertainment, and Hirsch Wallerstein. Lance is repped by United Agents and Industry Entertainment.

  • What is Iran’s Strait of Hormuz protocol and will other nations accept it?

    What is Iran’s Strait of Hormuz protocol and will other nations accept it?

    The Strait of Hormuz, which links the Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, has held global attention since Israel and the US began their war on Iran in February.

    Until fighting began, the narrow channel, through which 20 per cent of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies are shipped from Gulf producers in peacetime, remained toll-free and safe for vessels. The strait is shared by Iran and Oman and does not fall into the category of international waters.

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    After the US and Israel began strikes, Iran retaliated by attacking “enemy” merchant ships in the strait, effectively halting passage for all, stranding shipping, and creating one of the worst-ever global energy distribution crises.

    Tehran continued to refuse to re-open the strait to all traffic at the start of this week, despite US President Donald Trump’s threats to bomb Iran’s power plants and bridges if it did not relent. Trump backed away from his threat on Tuesday night when a two-week ceasefire, brokered by Pakistan, was declared.

    That followed a 10-point peace proposal from Iran that Trump described as a “workable” basis on which to negotiate a permanent end to hostilities.

    As part of the truce, Tehran has now issued official terms it says will guide its control of the Strait going forward. The US has not directly acknowledged the terms ahead of talks set to begin in Islamabad on Friday. However, analysts say Tehran’s continued control will be unpopular with Washington, as well as other countries.

    During the crisis, only a few ships from specific countries deemed friendly to Iran and those which pay a toll have been granted safe passage. At least two tolls for ships are believed to have been paid in Chinese yuan, in what appears to be a strategy to weaken the US dollar, but also to avoid US sanctions. China, which buys 80 percent of Iran’s oil, already pays Tehran in yuan.

    Here’s what we know about how shipments will work from now on:

    INTERACTIVE - Strait of Hormuz - March 2, 2026-1772714221
    (Al Jazeera)

    Who is controlling the strait now?

    On Tuesday, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi said Iran would grant safe passage through the strait during the ceasefire in “coordination with Iran’s Armed Forces and with due consideration of technical limitations”.

    On Wednesday, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) released a map of the strait showing a safe route for ships to follow. The map appears to direct ships further north towards the Iranian coast and away from the traditional route closer to the coast of Oman.

    In a statement, the IRGC said all vessels must use the new map for navigation due to “the likelihood of the presence of various types of anti-ship mines in the main traffic zone”.

    Alternative routes through the Strait of Hormuz have been announced by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), providing new entry and exit pathways for maritime traffic.
    Alternative routes through the Strait of Hormuz have been announced by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), providing new entry and exit pathways for maritime traffic [Screen grab/ Al Jazeera]

    It is unclear whether Iran is collecting toll fees during the ceasefire period.

    However, Trump said on Tuesday the US would be “helping with the traffic buildup” in the strait and that the US army would be “hanging around” as the negotiations go on.

    The Strait will be “OPEN & SAFE” he posted on his Truth Social media site on Thursday, adding that US troops would not leave the area, and threatening to resume attacks if the talks don’t go well.

    It’s not known to what extent US troops are directing what happens in the strait now.

    Delhi-based maritime analyst C Uday Bhaskar told Al Jazeera that there is a lot of “uncertainty” about who can sail through the strait, and that only between three and five ships have transited since the war was paused.

    How does Iran’s 10-point plan affect the Strait?

    Among Tehran’s main demands listed on its 10-point plan are that the US and Israel permanently cease all attacks on Iran and its allies – particularly Lebanon – lift all sanctions, and allow Iran to retain control over Hormuz. The plan has not been fully published but is understood to be a starting point for talks.

    Iranian media say Iran is considering a plan to charge up to $2m per vessel to be shared with Oman on the opposite side of the strait. Other reports suggest Iran could charge $1 per barrel of oil being shipped.

    Revenues raised would be used to rebuild military and civilian infrastructure damaged by US-Israeli strikes, Tehran said.

    Oman has rejected the idea. Transport minister Said Al-Maawali said on Wednesday that the Omanis previously “signed all international maritime transport agreements” which bar taking fees.

    Interactive_Iran_US_Ceasefire_April8_2026

    What does international law say about tolls on shipping?

    Critics of Iran’s plan to charge tolls say it violates international law guiding safe maritime passage, and should not be part of a final ceasefire agreement.

    The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) says levies cannot be charged on ships sailing through international straits or territorial seas.

    The law allows coastal states to collect fees for services rendered, such as navigation assistance or port use, but not for passage itself.

    Neither the US nor Iran has ratified that particular convention, however.

    Even if they had, there could be ways to get around this law anyway. Analyst Bhaskar told Al Jazeera that if Iran instead charged fees to de-mine the strait and make it safe for passage again, that could be allowable under maritime laws.

    There is no precedent in recent history of countries officially taxing passage through international straits or waterways.

    In October 2024, a United Nations Security Council report alleged that the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen were collecting “illegal fees” from shipping companies to allow vessels to pass through the Red Sea and the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, where it was targeting ships linked to Israel during the Gaza war.

    Last week, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei suggested the Houthis could shut the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route again in light of the war on Iran.

    INTERACTIVE - Bab al-Mandeb strait red sea map route shipping map-1774773769
    (Al Jazeera)

    How might countries react to a Hormuz toll?

    Tolls for passage through the Strait of Hormuz would likely most affect oil and gas-producing countries in the Gulf, but ripple effects will spread to others as well, as the current supply shocks have shown.

    Gulf countries, which issued statements calling for the reopening of the passage and praising the ceasefire on Wednesday, would also face a continuing degree of uncertainty, analysts say, as Iran could again disrupt flows in the future.

    Before the ceasefire was announced, Bahrain had already proposed a resolution at the UN Security Council calling on member states to coordinate and jointly reopen the passage by “all necessary means”. It was backed by Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Jordan. On April 7, 11 of 15 UNSC members voted in favour of that resolution.

    But Russia and China vetoed the resolution, saying it was biased against Iran and did not address the initial strikes on Iran by the US and Israel.

    Beyond the region, observers say the US is unlikely to accept indefinite toll demands by Iran as part of the negotiations expected to begin on Friday.

    A toll to pass through the Strait of Hormuz “is not going to go down well with President Trump and his expectations that the strait should be open for everyone”, Amin Saikal, a professor at the Australian National University, said.

    Other major powers have also voiced opposition. Ahead of the ceasefire, Britain had begun discussions with 40 other countries to find a way to reopen the strait.

    Practical realities in the strait might see a different scenario play out with ship owners losing millions each day their vessels remain stranded seeking to get them out quickly and undamaged experts say. They are more likely to comply with Iran, at least for now.

    “If I were the owner of a VLCC [very large crude carrier] which weighs about 300,000 tonnes, whose value could be a quarter billion dollars…I would believe the Iranians if they said we have laid mines,” Bhaskar said.

  • Meta Launches Muse Spark, Its Most Capable AI Yet—But Gemini 3.1 Pro Still Leads the Pack

    Meta Launches Muse Spark, Its Most Capable AI Yet—But Gemini 3.1 Pro Still Leads the Pack

    In brief

    • Meta’s new Muse Spark marks a shift to closed, natively multimodal AI with agent-based reasoning.
    • Meta reports strong benchmark gains in health and search, but still trails Gemini on core reasoning and coding.
    • Built in nine months with far less compute, this points to a new efficiency-driven AI strategy.

    Meta launched Muse Spark on Wednesday, marking the first model built by Meta Superintelligence Labs—the team assembled nine months ago under Chief AI Officer Alexandr Wang after Meta’s $14 billion Scale AI acquisition. It’s live now at meta.ai and the Meta AI app, with a rollout to Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp coming in the next few weeks.

    This isn’t just another chatbot upgrade or a new version of Llama. Muse Spark is natively multimodal—it processes images, text, and voice from the ground up, rather than bolting vision onto an existing text model. It comes with visual chain-of-thought, tool-use support, and something Meta is calling “Contemplating mode”: a setup that runs multiple AI agents in parallel to tackle harder problems. That’s Meta’s answer to the extended thinking modes from Google’s Gemini Deep Think and OpenAI’s GPT Pro.

    “Muse Spark is the first step on our scaling ladder and the first product of a ground-up overhaul of our AI efforts,” Meta wrote in an official announcement. “To support further scaling, we are making strategic investments across the entire stack—from research and model training to infrastructure, including the Hyperion data center.”

    The company worked with more than 1,000 physicians to curate training data for Muse Spark’s medical reasoning. The results on HealthBench Hard—an open-ended health queries benchmark—are striking: Muse Spark scored 42.8, compared to 40.1 for GPT 5.4 and just 20.6 for Gemini 3.1 Pro. That’s not a marginal difference.

    On agentic search (DeepSearchQA), Muse Spark also leads with 74.8, beating Gemini (69.7) and GPT 5.4 (73.6). On CharXiv Reasoning—figure understanding from scientific papers—it scored 86.4, the highest across the models in the comparison.

    For those into jailbreaking AI, the model was cracked open within minutes:

    But good isn’t the same as great. The overall benchmark picture shows Gemini 3.1 Pro still running ahead on most categories. The gap is most visible on ARC AGI 2, the abstract reasoning puzzle benchmark: Gemini scored 76.5 to Muse Spark’s 42.5.

    On coding (LiveCodeBench Pro), Gemini’s 82.9 outpaces Meta’s 80.0. On MMMU Pro—multimodal understanding—Gemini scored 83.9 versus 80.4. Meta’s own blog acknowledges current performance gaps in long-horizon agentic systems and coding workflows.

    There’s also a notable strategic shift baked into this launch. Muse Spark is a closed model—its architecture and weights won’t be made public. That’s a sharp departure from Llama, which built Meta’s reputation in open AI circles. After Llama 4’s underwhelming reception earlier this year, Meta appears to have decided the next chapter needs to be written differently.

    The company says it hopes to open-source future versions of Muse, but for now the code stays inside Meta. The tech giant’s stock climbed nearly 9% on Wednesday following the announcement, and finished the trading day up 6.5% to a price of $612.42.

    “Contemplating mode” uses parallel agent orchestration to push the model’s ceiling higher. In that configuration, Muse Spark hit 58% on Humanity’s Last Exam and 38% on FrontierScience Research—territory that makes it competitive with the most capable versions of Gemini and GPT, rather than their standard releases.

    Meta is also rolling out a shopping assistant that compares products and links directly to purchases, and plans to bring Muse Spark to Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp in the coming weeks—following the same script implemented since Llama 3, putting it in front of more than 3.5 billion users. A private API preview is opening to select developers.

    The model was built in nine months, internally codenamed Avocado, with Meta claiming that its new pretraining stack can reach the same capability level as Llama 4 Maverick using over 10 times less compute.

    Muse Spark is described internally as a “small and fast” first step in the Muse family. A more capable version is already in development.

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  • Cannes Chief Thierry Frémaux Confirms He’s Still Chasing James Gray’s ‘Paper Tiger,’ Starring Scarlett Johansson and Adam Driver, for This Year’s Fest: It’s a ‘Wonderful Film’ and ‘Very Indie’

    Cannes Chief Thierry Frémaux Confirms He’s Still Chasing James Gray’s ‘Paper Tiger,’ Starring Scarlett Johansson and Adam Driver, for This Year’s Fest: It’s a ‘Wonderful Film’ and ‘Very Indie’

    Minutes after unveiling a lineup dominated by European auteurs for Cannes’ 79th edition, festival chief Thierry Frémaux was hit with a barrage of questions about Hollywood’s absence. This year’s roster features a nearly unprecedented number of French-language films and, for now, one single American filmmaker — Ira Sachs — in competition. That could still evolve, however, as Frémaux confirmed to Variety he is hoping to add James Gray’s “Paper Tiger” at a later stage.

    “We saw James Gray’s film, which is a wonderful film — a very James Gray film, very indie. It’s the James Gray of ‘Little Odessa,’ it’s the James Gray who has never stopped being himself,” Frémaux said, noting the project was “complicated to put together” and that “there are still some contractual issues to resolve.” He added, “I hope they’ll be settled very soon and that we’ll be able to announce the film.”

    But the European flavor of this year’s competition is no coincidence, he stressed — it reflects a broader industry shift. “It’s true that there’s been a bit of a geographical realignment. Europe is strong, perhaps because the United States is a bit weaker, since studio films are less prevalent. Studios are less prominent,” he said.

    The momentum, he said, reflects the strength of the European film ecosystem and France’s growing role within it. Many of the foreign language films that were nominated at the Oscars and premiered at Cannes last year, notably Joachim Trier’s “Sentimental Value,” Jafar Panahi’s “It Was Just an Accident” and Kleber Mendonça Filho’s “The Secret Agent,” were either produced or financed with French players.

    “France has a stable film industry, a strong film industry, one that supports foreign cinema … The French ecosystem is a fairly strong ecosystem,” he said, noting that producers, buyers and distributors are actively working across borders, helping to position the country as a creative and financial hub.

    The trend will be visible on the Croisette, as three of the French-language films premiering in competition are directed by foreign directors: Asghar Farhadi with “Parallel Tales,” starring Isabelle Huppert and Catherine Deneuve; Ryusuke Hamaguchi with “All of a Sudden,” starring Virginie Efira and Mari Morisaki; and Laszlo Nemes with “Moulin,” starring Gilles Lellouche as French Resistance hero Jean Moulin.

    “Artists — and this year it’s particularly impressive — have come to shoot in Paris … They found a home here, they found a refuge through very friendly professional relationships,” Frémaux said. “Perhaps in their eyes, France continues to be a country of cinema, and they want, in a way, to be part of that cinematic landscape.”

    Even as Hollywood studios scale back, Frémaux argued that American independent cinema remains vibrant. As such, a number of American filmmakers will present their latest works, notably Jane Schoenbrun with “Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma” and Jordan Firstman’s directorial debut “Club Kid” in Un Certain Regard; while Steven Soderbergh and Ron Howard will also each show new documentaries in the Special Screenings section on John Lennon and photographer Richard Avedon, respectively.

    “There are people in America who want to continue making films their own way, independently… without necessarily working with the studios, without necessarily working with streaming platforms, or by doing both,” he said.

    Still, the absence of major studio titles also comes down to the cost of attending Cannes, Frémaux argued. “They need to relearn how to travel light. What we want to show are films. A film, a director — that’s enough,” Frémaux said, adding that studios are now more focused on domestic release strategies and U.S. theatrical constraints.

    Below, Frémaux speaks more with Variety and unpacks this year’s lineup.

    There are a huge number of French-language films in the official selection this year, especially in competition. What does it say about the creative landscape today and the evolution of the industry?

    It’s true that there’s been a bit of a geographical realignment. Europe is strong, perhaps because the United States is a bit weaker, since studio films are less prevalent. Studios are less prominent, and at the same time, there is still a significant independent American film scene. But there are also new countries carving out a small niche for themselves, not just in the official selection we just announced, but even in the selection process itself. Films from 142 countries were represented in the selection we’ve seen. I believe this opens up opportunities for these countries to make their mark. There’s a bit of a geographical redefining of the world.

    And France — which has a stable film industry, a strong film industry, one that supports foreign cinema — is a country that, as a result, may be gaining more importance. It has nothing to do with Cannes. It has to do with French professionals who are on the lookout, who support cinema elsewhere, who have buyers and sellers who go abroad.

    The competition will also showcase foreign filmmakers like Laszlo Nemes, Asghar Farhadi and Ryusuke Hamaguchi, who made their films in France and with French talent.

    Yes. There’s the fact that artists — and this year it’s particularly impressive — have come to shoot in Paris. It remains the work of the Japanese filmmaker Hamaguchi and the Iranian filmmaker Farhadi, but they found a home here, they found a refuge through very friendly professional relationships with their co-producers or distributors. Alexandre Mallet-Guy [founder of the distribution company Memento], for example, plays a key role in the relationship between Asghar Farhadi and France. It’s the same with Hamaguchi. Something began with “Drive My Car,” which he made when he was young, and so on. And now, they’re settling in. And perhaps in their eyes, France continues to be a country of cinema, and they want, in a way, to be part of that cinematic landscape. And we’re proud of that. This is how the year has shaped up. We’ll also have French-language films from Belgium. A lot of these films revolve around France, around Europe. And let’s not forget that while Italy isn’t here, Spain is very strong. So, maybe next year, Italy will be here and Spain won’t. Europe continues to have a very strong film industry.

    And America — we’ve talked about the studios scaling down, but what about independent films? Do you think the U.S. indie industry is in good shape based on what you’ve seen?

    Yes, we work a lot with creators, agents and directors, of course. There are people in America who want to continue making films their own way, independently, without necessarily working with the studios, without necessarily working with streaming platforms, or by doing both. One doesn’t exclude the other. But I find that there’s still a renewed emphasis on the idea of creating a cinematic work as a prototype. A cinematic work is a singular film that isn’t a series, as the name implies. A feature film is a single film. And an artist might feel more like they’re truly creating, inventing stories and characters, with a feature film. And you get the sense that, in any case, it remains the dream.

    Could James Gray come to Cannes with “Paper Tiger”? What message would you like to send to him today?

    We saw James Gray’s film, which is a wonderful film — a very James Gray film, very indie. It’s the James Gray of “Little Odessa,” it’s the James Gray who has never stopped being himself. And it’s a film that was complicated to put together because, for him, to do his work as a filmmaker, he doesn’t just snap his fingers — films have to be put together. So there are still some contractual issues to resolve. I hope they’ll be settled very soon and that we’ll be able to announce the film.

    There are a lot of studios and directors who are hesitant to go to a festival now. Why are they so afraid of criticism?

    No, I don’t think so. Criticism was perhaps much more intense in the past, and filmmakers used to come. No, something has changed a bit, perhaps, in the attitude of Americans — because the rest of the world comes willingly to Cannes. Americans in the industry all come to Cannes — the artists — but the studios, there’s perhaps also a certain reluctance to … They need to relearn how to travel light. What we want to show are films. A film, a director — that’s enough.

    But today, the world has changed; the media world has changed. Coming to present a film at a major festival like Cannes requires you to prepare in a certain way. And then, I think — and I can understand this very well — that the studios also want to prioritize the domestic market. They want to take into account, above all, the scheduling constraints tied to the U.S. territory and to U.S. theaters. And I can’t blame them for that. First and foremost, we have to protect cinema in theaters and cultivate new generations of audiences.

    This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

  • Bitcoin Miner Cango Sells $143 Million in BTC, Slashes Production Costs

    Bitcoin Miner Cango Sells $143 Million in BTC, Slashes Production Costs

    In brief

    • Cango reduced its cost to mine Bitcoin to $68,216 per coin in March 2026, down from $84,552 in Q4 2025.
    • The firm said it decommissioned inefficient miners and migrated operations to lower-cost power regions.
    • Cango also sold 2,000 BTC to reduce Bitcoin-backed loans to $30.6 million.

    Publicly traded Bitcoin miner Cango Inc. cut its average production cost by 19.3% to $68,216 per BTC in March—down from $84,552 in Q4 last year—achieving the reduction through strategic fleet optimization rather than expansion.

    The company decommissioned older mining hardware and relocated operations to regions with cheaper power, while selling 2,000 Bitcoin during the month to retire crypto-backed debt. That tally of Bitcoin is currently valued around $143 million, and the firm used the proceeds to trim its outstanding loan balances to $30.6 million.

    Cango still held 1,025.69 BTC in its treasury as of the end of March 31, valued over $73 million as of this writing. The firm’s total hash rate stood at 37.01 EH/s as of the end of March, split between 27.98 EH/s from self-mining and 9.02 EH/s from leasing arrangements.

    The operational restructuring involved more than simple downsizing. In high-cost hosting locations, Cango deployed hash rate leasing models to maintain revenue without bearing full operational expenses, according to the company’s announcement.

    Cango plans to redirect capital from its deleveraging efforts toward AI computing infrastructure, positioning the cost reductions as preparation for business model expansion. The same filing indicated the company views AI infrastructure as a natural extension of its existing power and facility investments.

    The efficiency focus reflects shifting priorities among public Bitcoin miners facing compressed margins and market volatility. Rather than competing solely on hash rate growth, companies are examining unit economics and alternative revenue streams. Several Bitcoin mining firms have made moves into powering AI computing needs, even abandoning their original business focuses in an effort to chase larger profits amid the AI boom.

    Cango’s operational restructuring follows similar moves across the public mining sector. MARA recently sold $1.1 billion in Bitcoin to buy back convertible debt while cutting 15% of its workforce. Core Scientific has explored plans to sell all of its Bitcoin holdings to finance its own AI transition, while Cipher Digital shifted focus to data center operations with a 15-year infrastructure deal, highlighting the industry’s evolution beyond traditional mining models.

    Cango shares (CANG) finished the trading day up 3.3% on Wednesday at a price of $0.4291 on a broadly green day for stocks, following a conditional ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran. Despite the daily uptick, however, CANG shares have fallen nearly 39% in the last month.

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  • Crypto exchanges chase TradFi commodities market as pricing gaps persist

    Crypto exchanges chase TradFi commodities market as pricing gaps persist

    Cryptocurrency exchanges are taking a growing market share from traditional finance (TradFi) trading venues through tokenized commodities products, but the mainstream adoption of tokenized precious metals remains limited by pricing and liquidity issues.

    Silver perpetuals have reached about 40% of the equivalent volume of the Comex Silver (SI) Contract at their peak, the world’s largest silver futures market, which accounts for over 70% of global exchange-traded silver futures volume, according to a Thursday report from Binance Research.

    During March and April, tokenized silver accounted for 14.90% and 14.98% of the Comex’s volume, respectively, up from just 1.37% in January.

    The growth suggests crypto exchanges are capturing more demand for round-the-clock exposure to traditional assets, particularly in metals-linked perpetuals, but analysts at Kaiko said liquidity depth and price formation still pose major obstacles to wider adoption among traditional investors.

    Average Aggregated TradFi-Perps Volume to The Primary Futures Equivalents on Traditional Exchanges. Source: Binance Research

    Crypto TradFi perps need reliable pricing, strong liquidity

    Tokenized commodities offer 24/7 trading, which can create vulnerabilities compared to TradFi gold and silver futures, where the holiday and weekend close create “natural circuit breakers that actually protect market quality,” Kaiko research analyst Laurens Fraussen told Cointelegraph.

    This exposes tokenized commodities to degraded order book debt, widened spreads and less reference pricing from closed traditional venues.

    Legacy commodities offerings avoid these issues through centralized clearing, consolidated liquidity, standardized contracts and “coordinated operating hours that prevent liquidity deserts,” Fraussen said, adding that crypto needs “better chain abstraction and unified liquidity aggregation” to compete with TradFi.

    Related: NYSE taps Securitize for 24/7 tokenized securities platform

    Despite the infrastructure concerns, tokenized gold perps have surpassed the gold futures trading volumes of several regional commodity exchanges, a trend seeing monthly acceleration, according to Binance Research.

    Figure 3: Average Aggregated Volume of Gold-Perps to Gold Futures in Regional Exchanges, in March

    Binance Research also said gold perpetuals outpaced several regional commodity exchanges in March, reaching 401% compared to gold futures trading on the Japanese energy commodities futures exchange TOCOM, 228% of India’s Multi Commodity Exchange (MCX) and 216% of the Dubai Gold & Commodities Exchange (DGCX).

    Binance attributed part of this growth to “market-moving events” that routinely occur on weekends, which would leave investors exposed to gap risks through traditional venues operating under regular trading hours.

    Magazine: Can Robinhood or Kraken’s tokenized stocks ever be truly decentralized?

  • Mike Novogratz spotlights Helios as $15 billion powerhouse in Galaxy Digital annual report

    Mike Novogratz spotlights Helios as $15 billion powerhouse in Galaxy Digital annual report

    Galaxy Digital (GLXY) founder and CEO Mike Novogratz highlighted the firm’s key milestones in its 2025 annual report, marking its first 10-K filing as a Nasdaq-listed company.

    Novogratz described the listing as more than a milestone, calling it “a declaration that the digital economy is real, and that Galaxy is built to lead it.”

    Over the years, Galaxy has evolved from a pure-play digital asset firm into a diversified platform that includes asset management, institutional trading and AI-driven high-performance computing data centers.

    Novogratz noted that the digital asset economy has evolved from a speculative, niche market into a mainstream industry, with even the United States now holding bitcoin on its balance sheet, something that would have been inconceivable a decade ago.

    The company’s biggest growth tailwind is its artificial intelligence and high-performance computing strategy and Helios, its AI data center campus in West Texas. The site has secured more than 1.6 gigawatts of approved power capacity through ERCOT.

    The initial 800 megawatts is already leased to AI cloud provider CoreWeave (CRWV), representing over $7.5 billion in capital investment. With an additional 830 megawatts approved for expansion, Helios is now valued at well above $15 billion, according to the report.

    Novogratz’s longer-term goal is to build a multi-billion-dollar portfolio of digital infrastructure assets diversified across regions, tenants, and technologies. “Demand for compute is not a cycle, it is a structural condition that will define the next decade.”

    On the digital assets side, Galaxy manages roughly $12.3 billion in platform assets as of December 31, 2025. Its offerings include over-the-counter spot and derivatives trading, lending, staking across 11 blockchains, including Ethereum and Solana, ETFs, and institutional-grade custody.

    In October 2025, the firm expanded into retail with GalaxyOne, a fintech platform offering FDIC-insured high-yield accounts, commission-free trading in equities and crypto, and the option to automatically reinvest interest into bitcoin.

    Despite the industry downturn in the fourth quarter of 2025, the company saw a net loss of $241 million. Novogratz remains optimistic, saying the firm is “more clear-eyed about our opportunity than we have ever been.”

  • Indiana man holds world record for 73 years of grave digging

    Indiana man holds world record for 73 years of grave digging

    Odd News // 3 weeks ago

    Prosthetic leg, surfboard among Los Angeles Metro’s Lost & Found

    March 13 (UPI) — The Los Angeles Metro revealed some of the most unusual items in its Lost & Found, including a surfboard, a prosthetic leg and a 55-inch TV.

  • Will the Real Megyn Kelly Please Stand Up?

    Will the Real Megyn Kelly Please Stand Up?

    If there were any lingering doubts about the widening fractures between President Trump and the MAGA media ecosystem that helped return him to power, Megyn Kelly all but erased them in March.

    The former Trump critic turned second-term ally used her platform to accuse the administration of misleading the public about the death toll from the U.S.-Israeli military operation in Iran — a striking rupture for a figure who, in recent years, has largely moved in lockstep with the president.

    “I don’t think those service members died for the United States,” the ex-Fox News anchor said of the 13 Americans killed so far, many in an Iranian strike on Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia. “I think they died for Iran or Israel.”

    Kelly has been openly critical of the Iran operation, but the bluntness of her remarks marked a clear escalation — fusing moral outrage with biting derision — as she mocked Trump’s framing of the conflict as a “fun little excursion into Iran” while invoking the “lost limbs” and “severe head wounds” of more than 300 injured.

    She went further still, venturing into suggestions of a potential cover-up — rhetoric that would until recently have been almost unthinkable from a former network news anchor, but now feels entirely at home in the conspiratorial grammar of the online MAGA sphere.

    “We don’t believe we know the full extent of the deaths either,” Kelly said on her daily web show, the centerpiece of her expanding media operation. “And we don’t believe we know the full extent of exactly how all these planes have come down — that we’re getting the full story.”

    In many ways, Kelly’s trajectory is less an outlier than a case study: What happens when a traditional television career collides with the influencer economy, falters, then reconstitutes itself around a very different set of incentives.

    Kelly, 55, is no stranger to reinvention. “I don’t think she has fixed political principles,” says one longtime colleague. “But she has an uncanny ability to adjust herself to the prevailing political winds.” She first gained national prominence as a Fox News anchor who, during the network’s first Republican primary debate in 2015, pressed Trump on his treatment of women — a confrontation that triggered a very public feud and helped precipitate her exit from Fox in 2017. That departure was bound up in something larger: Alongside Gretchen Carlson and others, she accused then-Fox News CEO Roger Ailes of sexual harassment — a reckoning later dramatized in the 2019 film Bombshell, which cast her as a complicated but ultimately sympathetic figure of institutional defiance.

    Megyn Kelly on the set of her hit Fox News program The Kelly File in December 2013. She left Fox in 2017 amid a public feud with President Trump.

    Jesse Dittmar for The Washington Post/Getty Images

    But not long after achieving mainstream respectability, Kelly’s career unraveled abruptly. Her much-hyped NBC morning show, Megyn Kelly Today, was canceled after less than a year following widely condemned remarks defending blackface Halloween costumes — a public rupture that not only sidelined her from traditional media, but also appears to have reshaped her relationship to it.

    Her makeover has been swift and, by most metrics, successful. In 2020, she launched The Megyn Kelly Show as an independent podcast. By March 2025, she had expanded into MK Media, a growing podcast network under her Devil May Care Media banner, with ambitions to rival established conservative outlets. Her YouTube channel now exceeds 4 million subscribers and drew 138 million views in February.

    But scale, in this ecosystem, is not neutral — it exerts pressure. And increasingly, that pressure runs toward provocation. As she works to expand her empire, Kelly has found herself navigating a shifting political and media landscape. Her proximity to political commentator and conspiracy peddler Candace Owens, and her reluctance to distance herself from Owens’ escalating claims, has become a defining — and increasingly uncomfortable — feature of her brand.

    In the arms race for attention that defines political podcasting, few figures have expanded their reach as rapidly as Owens. Since January 2025, she has added an estimated 10.9 million followers across all platforms while generating roughly 805 million YouTube views and more than 81 million TikTok likes, according to Media Matters.

    As her audience has grown, so too have the controversies that fuel it. Over the past year, Owens has promoted a series of extreme and often unsubstantiated claims — including repeated assertions that French first lady Brigitte Macron was “born a man,” at one point declaring on Piers Morgan Uncensored that it was “beyond obvious” Macron “has a penis.” The remarks prompted a defamation lawsuit from the Macrons in July.

    Owens also has advanced a series of increasingly baroque narratives surrounding the September killing of Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk, alleging — without evidence — the involvement of multiple governments and intelligence agencies and suggesting the killing was tied to a broader “deep state” agenda. Among her claims: that Kirk was a literal time traveler and that he had been monitored by CIA-linked operatives since childhood.

    Her rhetoric around Jews and Israel has grown even more incendiary. Owens has promoted Der Talmudjude, a 19th century antisemitic tract, and suggested it exposes what Jewish public figures “really think.” She has also repeated long-debunked claims about Jewish involvement in the slave trade and cast Holocaust education as a form of “indoctrination.”

    Since January 2025, Candace Owens has added about 10.9 million followers across platforms while generating roughly 805 million YouTube views.

    Screenshot/YouTube

    Critics, including her fellow conspiracist Alex Jones, have raised alarms about her rhetoric. But the backlash has done little to slow her rise.

    What matters here is not just what Owens says, but how many people are listening — roughly 24 million across platforms — and what that scale demands of everyone else in the right wing conversation. Her ascent is not pulling conservative media in a single direction so much as forcing a sorting mechanism. On one side is a personality-driven ecosystem — Owens, Tucker Carlson, Steve Bannon and, increasingly, Kelly — where provocation, institutional distrust and conspiracy-adjacent rhetoric are not bugs but features. On the other is a more traditional faction — Ben Shapiro, Sean Hannity, Mark Levin and the Turning Point USA orbit — that, while firmly right wing, has drawn clearer lines around overt conspiracy and antisemitism.

    The divide is less about ideology than structure: a collision between legacy conservatism and an influencer economy in which attention — not credibility — is the primary currency.

    That tension has left Kelly in a narrowing lane. To break with Owens is to risk audience erosion; to embrace her is to risk becoming indistinguishable from her. For now, Kelly appears to be choosing a third path: saying just enough to signal independence while stopping short of a full rupture — a balancing act that grows harder to sustain as the incentives of the system keep pulling to the extremes.

    This story appeared in the April 8 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine. Click here to subscribe.